A force field of sorts

Yet another post on Obama.

The man of change was confronted by Larry King last night about his characterization of his maternal granny as "typical". You can watch the fumbling response here.

Needless to say if the comment were uttered by McCain in the inverse his career might have been abruptly terminated, but the double standard isn't news. Obama floats on, confident that during any tough interview he can always revert back to a vision of a harmonious Utopian future with instant starry-eyed forgiveness following. Nothing not tried before, but others have never gotten away with it. Obama has.

Here's one from the memory hole, where he claims ownership in the Selma movement because his bi-racial parents wouldn't have gotten hitched without their brave actions. Little matter that he was born before the famous march:



Would a black Republican candidate escape without being called a panderer? They'd stop short of calling him an idiot for fear of igniting any racial sympathies--such charges are reserved only for white GOP men. But who in the media desires a war against change, hope and the struggle of minorities, especially if their own background consists of a comfortable suburban upbringing followed by journalism school? Too much absolute moral authority to challenge.

Obama represents a kind of third rail of journalism. The predominately white and Democrat-voting media wants little to do with racism debates unless they can blame the usual suspects--white southern racists such as David Duke, or pastors like Bob Jones, or stories about the Rebel flag. But certainly they realize that any truly deep debate about race in America would eventually unmask their own industry, hardly a shining example of the affirmative action many of them write stories about, exemplified by this.

If Barack's team was smart they'd figure the best way out of the Wright mess was to march the debate towards that guilt and away from his former mentor's interesting background, which brings to light Obama's primary experience consisting of community organizing:

After many lectures like this, Obama decided to take a second look at Wright's church. Older pastors warned him that Trinity was for "Buppies"--black urban professionals--and didn't have enough street cred. But Wright was a former Muslim and black nationalist who had studied at Howard and Chicago, and Trinity's guiding principles--what the church calls the "Black Value System"--included a "Disavowal of the Pursuit of Middleclassness.'"

Considering the above it's hardly surprising he's never been grilled on exactly what his change might consist of when juxtaposed with his background. Liberals tend to get mad when told they must take Bush's word for it on things like national security surveillance programs but are quite OK with taking Barack's word on his version of change, whatever that might be.

So far the media is largely content with remaining on the sidelines and letting right wingers ask the probing questions then piling on when the racism charges are leveled. Geraldine Ferarro broke that mold, no doubt in a last ditch attempt to save Hillary's career by cracking open Barack's veneer. Bill Clinton had already tried and failed--indeed only a female liberal Democrat had any chance without being branded a racist, and she was anyway.

So it'll be interesting to see whether the door on Obama's past has been slammed shut by this recent event or whether this kind of nonstop coverage can continue much longer without backfiring. Such might determine whether a brokered convention will produce a broken party, or a candidate covered with the strongest teflon ever seen.